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What Was Africa Like Before Slavery?

What Was Africa Like Before Slavery?

The myth of the empty continent: How pre-slavery Africa defied Western stereotypes

Let’s be clear about this: the idea that Africa had no history before slavery is not just wrong — it’s destructive. That narrative served a purpose: to justify exploitation. But in truth, by the year 700 CE, North Africa was already deeply integrated into Mediterranean and Islamic economies. Cairo, founded in 969, became a major intellectual and commercial hub — one of the largest cities in the world by 1000, with a population exceeding 200,000. And that’s just one city. South of the Sahara, kingdoms like Ghana (not to be confused with the modern nation) controlled gold trade routes across the desert, taxing caravans that moved salt from mines in the north and gold from forests in the south. Some estimates suggest these caravans could include over 10,000 camels, each carrying 150 kilograms of goods. That changes everything about how we picture early African economies.

The trans-Saharan trade wasn’t a trickle; it was a river of wealth and culture. Timbuktu, now a name synonymous with remoteness, was once a thriving center of learning. By the 14th century, under the Mali Empire, it hosted scholars fluent in Arabic, astronomy, law, and medicine. The university at Sankoré attracted students from as far as Cairo and Mecca. Manuscripts from that era — tens of thousands of them still exist — cover everything from poetry to business contracts. We’re not talking about oral traditions here (though those were rich, too); we're talking about a literate, bureaucratic, and cosmopolitan world. Yet today, when people hear “Africa before slavery,” they imagine huts and spears. That’s not ignorance — that’s propaganda.

Trade networks: The economic engine of pre-slavery Africa

West Africa’s power came not from conquest alone but control over trade. Gold from the Akan forests (modern-day Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire) flowed north, exchanged for salt mined in places like Taghaza — a place so barren and hot that salt slabs were used as currency themselves. One medieval Arab geographer noted that a single camel load of salt could be worth more than its weight in gold in certain southern markets. That paradox — salt more valuable than gold — seems absurd until you understand the human body’s need for sodium, especially in tropical climates where sweat washes it away daily. This wasn’t barter between tribes. This was a vast, organized exchange involving credit systems, standardized weights, and merchant guilds.

Farther east, the Swahili Coast — stretching from modern-day Somalia to Mozambique — thrived on Indian Ocean trade. Cities like Kilwa, Mombasa, and Zanzibar weren’t African backwaters; they were cosmopolitan ports where African, Arab, Persian, and even Chinese traders met. Kilwa’s Great Mosque, built in the 12th century, was one of the largest in sub-Saharan Africa. Chinese porcelain, Indian cotton, and Persian glass have been unearthed in Swahili ruins — proof of a globalized economy centuries before globalization had a name. These cities minted their own coins as early as the 11th century, a sign of sovereignty and economic autonomy. And yet, none of this makes it into the standard story.

Political complexity: Empires, kings, and governance

The Kingdom of Kongo, centered in what is now northern Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, had a centralized bureaucracy by the 14th century. It was divided into provinces ruled by governors loyal to the king — the manikongo — who communicated through a network of royal messengers. When the Portuguese arrived in 1483, they were met not by tribal chieftains but by a ruler who spoke a formal protocol, wore royal regalia, and governed a population estimated at over 2 million. Diplomatic letters between the manikongo and the king of Portugal still exist — written in Portuguese and Kikongo, using Latin script. One such letter, sent in 1526 by King Afonso I, actually complains about Portuguese traders destabilizing his kingdom by abducting people. The irony? He was begging the very power that would soon dismantle his state.

Timbuktu to Great Zimbabwe: Centers of learning and power

Timbuktu is often romanticized, but the reality is even more impressive. By the 15th century, it hosted three major mosques — Djinguereber, Sankoré, and Sidi Yahya — each serving as centers of scholarship. Students studied logic, grammar, theology, and medicine. Some texts include detailed astronomical observations and surgical techniques. A single manuscript might take weeks to copy by hand, and libraries were family treasures, passed down for generations. Today, private collections in Timbuktu still guard over 700,000 manuscripts — only a fraction digitized. That’s more than many European universities held at the time.

And then there’s Great Zimbabwe, built between the 11th and 15th centuries. This stone city, constructed without mortar, covered over 7 square kilometers and housed up to 18,000 people at its peak. Its massive walls — some over 11 meters high — were not defensive. They were symbolic: a display of power, wealth, and engineering skill. The site controlled trade between the interior and the Swahili Coast, exporting gold, ivory, and copper. But when Europeans first saw it in the 19th century, they refused to believe Africans could have built it. They invented theories — Phoenicians, Arabs, even “lost tribes of Israel” — anything but acknowledge African achievement. Honestly, it is unclear why this disbelief persisted so stubbornly, except that admitting African sophistication would undermine the racism underpinning colonialism.

Architecture and engineering: The forgotten innovations

The Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe wasn’t just big — it was clever. Its curved walls used a technique called “inward battering,” where stones are angled slightly inward, increasing stability. Builders selected different colored rocks to create decorative patterns. This wasn’t rough stacking; it was art. Similarly, in Ethiopia, the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela — carved top-down from solid volcanic rock in the 12th century — remain architectural marvels. Some weigh hundreds of tons, yet were shaped with hand tools. To give a sense of scale: one church is 11 meters deep, quarried entirely from a single block of stone. It is a bit like carving a cathedral out of a mountain — and doing it upside down.

Religious and cultural diversity: Islam, Christianity, and indigenous beliefs

Africa before slavery was not religiously monolithic. In the Sahel, Islam spread largely through trade, not conquest. Traders brought faith along with goods, and rulers in Mali and Songhai adopted Islam while preserving local customs. Mansa Musa, ruler of Mali in the early 14th century, is often cited for his extravagant hajj to Mecca in 1324 — a journey that reportedly involved 60,000 people and so much gold that it depressed prices in Cairo for years. But here’s what people don’t think about enough: his pilgrimage wasn’t just a flex. It was diplomatic. He brought scholars back with him, funded mosque construction, and integrated Islamic law into state administration — all while maintaining traditional Malian spiritual practices.

In Ethiopia, Christianity had been the state religion since the 4th century — centuries before most of Europe. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church developed its own canon, liturgy, and calendar. Meanwhile, across Central and West Africa, indigenous belief systems flourished — not as superstition, but as complex cosmologies with priests, rituals, and ethical codes. These weren’t replaced overnight. They adapted, syncretized, and survived — even after slavery and colonialism tried to erase them.

Slavery existed — but not the way you think

Let’s not pretend slavery didn’t exist in Africa before European contact. It did. But it was different. In many societies, enslaved people could earn freedom, marry, own property, or rise to positions of influence. In the Mali Empire, some royal guards were drawn from enslaved soldiers — a system not unlike the Ottoman Janissaries. Enslavement often resulted from war or debt, not race. And because lineage and community were central, even those in servitude were usually integrated into families over time. This wasn’t the chattel slavery that would later develop in the Americas — where people were treated as permanent, inheritable property stripped of identity. That system was brutal in a new way. And that’s exactly where the rupture happened.

Frequently Asked Questions

Did Africa have cities before European contact?

Absolutely. Cairo, Alexandria, and Carthage were ancient urban centers. But south of the Sahara, cities like Timbuktu, Gao, Kano, and Great Zimbabwe were also major hubs. Kano, in modern Nigeria, was described by 15th-century Arab travelers as having strong walls, bustling markets, and a population in the tens of thousands — larger than many European cities of the time.

Was Africa isolated from the rest of the world?

No. The trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean trade connected Africa to Europe, the Middle East, India, and even China. African gold helped fuel medieval economies. African textiles were traded as far as Indonesia. To say Africa was isolated is to ignore centuries of documented contact — and to buy into a colonial myth.

Did African societies have writing systems?

Yes. Arabic script was used widely in West and East Africa for centuries. Ethiopia used Ge’ez, a written language dating to the 4th century. And indigenous scripts like Nsibidi (in West Africa) and Vai (in Liberia) emerged independently. Literacy wasn’t universal, but neither was it rare among elites and traders.

The bottom line: Africa was not waiting to be discovered

I find this overrated idea — that Africa needed Europe to “develop” — not just false but offensive. The continent had empires, trade, science, and culture. Slavery changed everything, not because Africa was backward, but because it was targeted. And while data is still lacking on some regions — especially Central and Southern Africa due to colonial destruction of records — what we do know challenges the old narrative. The problem is, the myth persists. In textbooks. In media. In policy. So here’s my personal recommendation: stop asking what Africa was like before slavery as if it were a blank slate. Ask instead how such a rich, diverse, and powerful continent was brought to its knees — and who still benefits from pretending it was never strong to begin with.

💡 Key Takeaways

  • Is 6 a good height? - The average height of a human male is 5'10". So 6 foot is only slightly more than average by 2 inches. So 6 foot is above average, not tall.
  • Is 172 cm good for a man? - Yes it is. Average height of male in India is 166.3 cm (i.e. 5 ft 5.5 inches) while for female it is 152.6 cm (i.e. 5 ft) approximately.
  • How much height should a boy have to look attractive? - Well, fellas, worry no more, because a new study has revealed 5ft 8in is the ideal height for a man.
  • Is 165 cm normal for a 15 year old? - The predicted height for a female, based on your parents heights, is 155 to 165cm. Most 15 year old girls are nearly done growing. I was too.
  • Is 160 cm too tall for a 12 year old? - How Tall Should a 12 Year Old Be? We can only speak to national average heights here in North America, whereby, a 12 year old girl would be between 13

❓ Frequently Asked Questions

1. Is 6 a good height?

The average height of a human male is 5'10". So 6 foot is only slightly more than average by 2 inches. So 6 foot is above average, not tall.

2. Is 172 cm good for a man?

Yes it is. Average height of male in India is 166.3 cm (i.e. 5 ft 5.5 inches) while for female it is 152.6 cm (i.e. 5 ft) approximately. So, as far as your question is concerned, aforesaid height is above average in both cases.

3. How much height should a boy have to look attractive?

Well, fellas, worry no more, because a new study has revealed 5ft 8in is the ideal height for a man. Dating app Badoo has revealed the most right-swiped heights based on their users aged 18 to 30.

4. Is 165 cm normal for a 15 year old?

The predicted height for a female, based on your parents heights, is 155 to 165cm. Most 15 year old girls are nearly done growing. I was too. It's a very normal height for a girl.

5. Is 160 cm too tall for a 12 year old?

How Tall Should a 12 Year Old Be? We can only speak to national average heights here in North America, whereby, a 12 year old girl would be between 137 cm to 162 cm tall (4-1/2 to 5-1/3 feet). A 12 year old boy should be between 137 cm to 160 cm tall (4-1/2 to 5-1/4 feet).

6. How tall is a average 15 year old?

Average Height to Weight for Teenage Boys - 13 to 20 Years
Male Teens: 13 - 20 Years)
14 Years112.0 lb. (50.8 kg)64.5" (163.8 cm)
15 Years123.5 lb. (56.02 kg)67.0" (170.1 cm)
16 Years134.0 lb. (60.78 kg)68.3" (173.4 cm)
17 Years142.0 lb. (64.41 kg)69.0" (175.2 cm)

7. How to get taller at 18?

Staying physically active is even more essential from childhood to grow and improve overall health. But taking it up even in adulthood can help you add a few inches to your height. Strength-building exercises, yoga, jumping rope, and biking all can help to increase your flexibility and grow a few inches taller.

8. Is 5.7 a good height for a 15 year old boy?

Generally speaking, the average height for 15 year olds girls is 62.9 inches (or 159.7 cm). On the other hand, teen boys at the age of 15 have a much higher average height, which is 67.0 inches (or 170.1 cm).

9. Can you grow between 16 and 18?

Most girls stop growing taller by age 14 or 15. However, after their early teenage growth spurt, boys continue gaining height at a gradual pace until around 18. Note that some kids will stop growing earlier and others may keep growing a year or two more.

10. Can you grow 1 cm after 17?

Even with a healthy diet, most people's height won't increase after age 18 to 20. The graph below shows the rate of growth from birth to age 20. As you can see, the growth lines fall to zero between ages 18 and 20 ( 7 , 8 ). The reason why your height stops increasing is your bones, specifically your growth plates.