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Beyond the Postcard: What Are the Slums of Paris Called and Where Do They Hide?

Beyond the Postcard: What Are the Slums of Paris Called and Where Do They Hide?

The Anatomy of the Bidonville: Deconstructing the Slums of Paris

To truly grasp what the slums of Paris are called, we have to untangle a web of linguistic and bureaucratic euphemisms. The word bidonville itself is a mid-century import from North Africa, literally translating to "can town" because the earliest structures were hammered together from crushed oil drums. But the thing is, today’s French government prefers the sanitized label of campements illicites or illegal encampments. Why the semantic gymnastics? Because admitting that classical slums exist within sight of the Eiffel Tower feels like a policy failure, which explains why officials rely on administrative vocabulary to describe what is, fundamentally, a crisis of human shelter.

From Zone to Shanty: The Evolution of Marginalized Spaces

People don’t think about this enough, but Paris has always generated its own internal peripheries. In the nineteenth century, the city was ringed by "La Zone," a military fortification belt that morphed into a vast, muddy squatter settlement of ragpickers and outcasts. That changes everything when you look at modern maps. Today’s bidonvilles are not a new phenomenon; they are simply the latest iteration of this historic spatial exclusion, though the demographic makeup has shifted dramatically over the decades. Yet, the architectural desperation remains identical.

The Living Reality Inside the Modern Campement

Walk along the Petite Ceinture, the abandoned nineteenth-century railway that encircles the interior of the city, and the romantic illusion evaporates. Mud. How else can one describe the winter terrain of a settlement tucked away near the Porte de la Chapelle? Here, roughly 100 to 150 residents might share a single water point, constructing their lives out of the detritus of a consumer society. It is a world of extreme precarity where makeshift stoves provide both necessary heat and the constant, terrifying threat of a midnight blaze.

The Geopolitics of Exclusion: Why the Banlieue is Not a Bidonville

Here is where it gets tricky for outsiders. There is a persistent, lazy conflation in international media between the high-rise housing projects of the banlieues and actual shantytowns. We are far from it. The banlieues, particularly in the department of Seine-Saint-Denis, are permanent, state-built architectural experiments from the post-war Trente Glorieuses era. They feature running water, electricity, and structural concrete—amenities that the residents of a true bidonville can only dream of possessing.

The High-Rise Mirage vs. The Dirt Floor

The issue remains that both spaces signify marginalization, but they do so through entirely different urban forms. While the banlieue struggles with systemic unemployment, institutional neglect, and social unrest, its inhabitants live in legal, numbered apartments. Contrast this with the fragile dwellings of the terrains vagues (vacant lots) where a bulldozer can erase your entire domestic existence in less than forty minutes. Honestly, it’s unclear why some analysts continue to lump these distinct socioeconomic realities into the same analytical bucket, except perhaps out of sheer intellectual laziness.

The Displaced Population Dynamics of Seine-Saint-Denis

Statistics tell a brutal story if you know where to look. According to data monitored by the charity Dihal in recent years, there are consistently between 80 and 100 informal settlements scattered across the Île-de-France region at any given time. These sites house approximately 8,000 to 10,000 individuals, a population heavily dominated by marginalized Roma communities alongside micro-groups of sub-Saharan and Afghan asylum seekers. It is a nomadic existence enforced by law, as police expulsions occur with clockwork regularity, forcing families to migrate a few kilometers down the road to build anew.

The Cycle of Eviction and the Illusion of Clearance

The state's response to the slums of Paris called bidonvilles has long been defined by a policy of systematic eviction. But does destroying a shack solve homelessness? The short answer is no; it merely displaces the vulnerability. Every few months, prefecture orders are signed, riot police arrive at dawn, and another community is dismantled under the watchful eye of television cameras, creating a performative display of state control that achieves absolutely nothing in the long term.

The Cost of Administrative Whack-A-Mole

Consider the financial absurdity of this cycle. Estimates suggest that a single eviction operation, including police mobilization, clean-up crews, and temporary hotel vouchers that last for a mere three nights, costs the taxpayer upwards of 30,000 euros per site. And yet, within three weeks, the same families often establish a new campement less than two miles away. It is a bizarre, expensive game of administrative whack-a-mole that values optics over sustainable housing solutions.

Historical Echoes: Nanterre 1960 vs. Saint-Denis Today

To understand the depth of this issue, we must look backward to the Algerian War era. During the 1950s and 1960s, the bidonville of Nanterre was a massive, sprawling city within a city, housing over 14,000 North African workers who built the very skyscrapers of La Défense that now tower over the western horizon. That historical scar was supposed to be the final chapter of French shantytowns, but history has a cruel way of repeating itself when structural inequality is left unchecked.

A Shift in Demographics, A Continuum of Misery

The modern settlements along the motorway embankments of the A1 and A86 highways look eerily similar to the archival photographs of Nanterre from 1962. The primary difference lies in the passport of the occupant, not the quality of the mud. While the mid-century slums were populated by imperial subjects fueling the post-war industrial boom, today's camps are occupied by European citizens caught in the gears of free movement limitations and systemic discrimination. Experts disagree on the ultimate solution, but nobody can deny that the structural ghost of Nanterre still haunts the outer ring of the capital.

Semantic Pitfalls: Common Misconceptions About French Urban Poverty

You cannot simply transplant Anglo-Saxon terminology into the fertile soil of French urban sociology without corrupting the data. When people ask what are the slums of Paris called, they usually expect a single, neat label like favela or ghetto. Reality behaves differently. It resists such tidy packaging. The first blunder is conflating historical anomalies with modern systemic crises. We must dissect these linguistic traps before we can grasp the topography of Parisian destitution.

The "Zone" is Not a Current Reality

Mention informal settlements to an older Parisian, and they will likely murmur about "La Zone" with nostalgic dread. This macro-structure traced the old Thiers wall, a military fortification decommissioned after the First World War. By 1920, over 30000 squatter dwellings choked this military beltway. It was a literal ring of desperate poverty encircling the capital. But let's be clear: this geopolitical scar was completely eradicated by the mid-twentieth century to build the Boulevard Périphérique. Mistaking the historical Zone for contemporary informal settlements is a gross anachronism. Today, the problem is that poverty has fractured into isolated micro-pockets rather than forming a monolithic fortress around the city gates.

The Banlieue Blunder

Why do international commentators insist that the outer suburbs are homogeneous macro-slums? It is an irritatingly stubborn myth. The suburban ring, or banlieue, houses millions of citizens across vast architectural landscapes. Neuilly-sur-Seine is a banlieue, yet its real estate prices rival the most opulent Parisian districts. Conversely, places like Seine-Saint-Denis harbor severe economic distress, but their residents live in state-funded, concrete high-rises known as Grands Ensembles. These public housing blocks suffer from structural neglect and systemic discrimination. Yet, calling them slums is factually incorrect. They possess running water, electricity, and fiber-optic internet. (True shantytowns, by contrast, lack even basic plumbing). Conflating a disadvantaged public housing estate with a lawless, improvised shantytown obscures the actual structural failures of the French state.

The Hidden Logistics of the Modern Bidonville

If you want to understand the modern reality of what are the slums of Paris called today, you must look at the railway tracks. The contemporary bidonville is nomadic, hidden, and incredibly fragile. It does not advertise its presence. Most of these settlements hide along the Petite Ceinture, an abandoned 19th-century railway line that loops around the interior perimeter of the city.

The Strategy of Hyper-Mobility

Why do these communities remain so small and fleeting? Because state repression is swift. In 2023 alone, French authorities dismantled over 120 informal encampments within the Île-de-France region, frequently giving inhabitants less than 48 hours to pack their lives into plastic bags. As a result: communities have adopted a doctrine of tactical impermanence. They build shelters using light plywood and discarded tarpaulins that can be disassembled within minutes. Except that this constant displacement solves nothing. It merely pushes the human misery three metro stations down the line, destroying any fragile social work or schooling networks that NGOs spent months establishing. If you observe closely, you realize that the modern Parisian bidonville is defined not by its geography, but by its frantic, exhausting velocity.

Frequently Asked Questions

What are the slums of Paris called historically compared to today?

Historically, the most prominent informal settlements were known as the Zone during the interwar period, which housed thousands of destitute workers along the city's old fortifications. During the decolonization era of the 1960s, massive shantytowns known as bidonvilles emerged in suburbs like Nanterre, where over 10000 Algerian laborers lived in muddy squalor. Today, the term bidonville remains the accurate sociological label for temporary settlements, though the public often uses the term campement to describe the smaller, informal shelters that populate urban voids. The key distinction lies in scale and longevity, as modern sites rarely match the vast, semi-permanent footprints of the mid-20th century communities.

Where are these informal settlements located within the capital region?

The vast majority of modern makeshift settlements are pushed beyond the administrative borders of Paris proper into the inner suburbs of the Seine-Saint-Denis department. Specific sectors near major transport hubs, such as the areas surrounding the Porte de la Chapelle or the canal banks of Saint-Denis, frequently see new encampments form after previous ones are cleared. These locations are strategically chosen by inhabitants because they provide vital proximity to casual labor markets and recycling hubs while remaining hidden from regular police patrols. However, because municipal authorities enforce a strict policy of systematic expulsion, the exact coordinates of these micro-slums shift constantly throughout the calendar year.

Who primarily inhabits the makeshift camps in and around Paris?

The demographic makeup of these settlements consists largely of marginalized migrant populations, specifically displaced Roma communities from Eastern Europe and asylum seekers originating from East Africa and Afghanistan. A comprehensive 2022 census conducted by the collective Alerte indicated that roughly 2000 individuals were living in severe housing deprivation across these informal Parisian sites, including hundreds of young children. These vulnerable populations find themselves trapped in a legal paradox where they lack the administrative paperwork required to access official social housing or legal employment. Consequently, they are forced into the shadows of the informal economy, relying on local charities for basic sustenance and medical care.

The Illusion of Urban Cleanliness

The persistent state policy of aggressive eviction under the guise of public hygiene is an absolute failure. We pretend that by erasing the physical structures of the Parisian shantytowns, we are somehow curing the poverty that birthed them. It is an exercise in optical illusion, designed to keep the tourist corridors pristine while pushing human suffering into the dark corners of the peripheries. How can a society claim progress when its administrative response to extreme poverty is merely a bulldozer and a relocation order? The issue remains that banishing a bidonville does not magically create housing vouchers or erase systemic inequality. But we look away because confronting the reality of these camps requires rewriting our social contract. Yet, as long as structural exclusion persists, the desperate shelters will continue to rise from the mud of the outer ring roads, mocking our collective indifference.

💡 Key Takeaways

  • Is 6 a good height? - The average height of a human male is 5'10". So 6 foot is only slightly more than average by 2 inches. So 6 foot is above average, not tall.
  • Is 172 cm good for a man? - Yes it is. Average height of male in India is 166.3 cm (i.e. 5 ft 5.5 inches) while for female it is 152.6 cm (i.e. 5 ft) approximately.
  • How much height should a boy have to look attractive? - Well, fellas, worry no more, because a new study has revealed 5ft 8in is the ideal height for a man.
  • Is 165 cm normal for a 15 year old? - The predicted height for a female, based on your parents heights, is 155 to 165cm. Most 15 year old girls are nearly done growing. I was too.
  • Is 160 cm too tall for a 12 year old? - How Tall Should a 12 Year Old Be? We can only speak to national average heights here in North America, whereby, a 12 year old girl would be between 13

❓ Frequently Asked Questions

1. Is 6 a good height?

The average height of a human male is 5'10". So 6 foot is only slightly more than average by 2 inches. So 6 foot is above average, not tall.

2. Is 172 cm good for a man?

Yes it is. Average height of male in India is 166.3 cm (i.e. 5 ft 5.5 inches) while for female it is 152.6 cm (i.e. 5 ft) approximately. So, as far as your question is concerned, aforesaid height is above average in both cases.

3. How much height should a boy have to look attractive?

Well, fellas, worry no more, because a new study has revealed 5ft 8in is the ideal height for a man. Dating app Badoo has revealed the most right-swiped heights based on their users aged 18 to 30.

4. Is 165 cm normal for a 15 year old?

The predicted height for a female, based on your parents heights, is 155 to 165cm. Most 15 year old girls are nearly done growing. I was too. It's a very normal height for a girl.

5. Is 160 cm too tall for a 12 year old?

How Tall Should a 12 Year Old Be? We can only speak to national average heights here in North America, whereby, a 12 year old girl would be between 137 cm to 162 cm tall (4-1/2 to 5-1/3 feet). A 12 year old boy should be between 137 cm to 160 cm tall (4-1/2 to 5-1/4 feet).

6. How tall is a average 15 year old?

Average Height to Weight for Teenage Boys - 13 to 20 Years
Male Teens: 13 - 20 Years)
14 Years112.0 lb. (50.8 kg)64.5" (163.8 cm)
15 Years123.5 lb. (56.02 kg)67.0" (170.1 cm)
16 Years134.0 lb. (60.78 kg)68.3" (173.4 cm)
17 Years142.0 lb. (64.41 kg)69.0" (175.2 cm)

7. How to get taller at 18?

Staying physically active is even more essential from childhood to grow and improve overall health. But taking it up even in adulthood can help you add a few inches to your height. Strength-building exercises, yoga, jumping rope, and biking all can help to increase your flexibility and grow a few inches taller.

8. Is 5.7 a good height for a 15 year old boy?

Generally speaking, the average height for 15 year olds girls is 62.9 inches (or 159.7 cm). On the other hand, teen boys at the age of 15 have a much higher average height, which is 67.0 inches (or 170.1 cm).

9. Can you grow between 16 and 18?

Most girls stop growing taller by age 14 or 15. However, after their early teenage growth spurt, boys continue gaining height at a gradual pace until around 18. Note that some kids will stop growing earlier and others may keep growing a year or two more.

10. Can you grow 1 cm after 17?

Even with a healthy diet, most people's height won't increase after age 18 to 20. The graph below shows the rate of growth from birth to age 20. As you can see, the growth lines fall to zero between ages 18 and 20 ( 7 , 8 ). The reason why your height stops increasing is your bones, specifically your growth plates.